A fast track to digital surveillance? European Consumer Organisation takes action against Google

You probably have a Google account, and probably also assume that everything you do on Google’s services is tracked, but do you realise the extent to which Google actively pushes you towards ensuring that you don’t avoid its surveillance practises? The European Consumer Organisation (BEUC) has directly sought to tackle this issue by announcing that it will be taking action against Google.

The action has been brought about over concerns that Google unfairly directs those who sign up towards an increased amount of surveillance. This is in breach of the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation, Regulation (EU) 2016/679 (EU GDPR), which encourages privacy by default for consumers. Since being introduced in 2016, GDPR (General Data Protection Regulation) has been a key component of EU privacy law as well as human rights law.

Keep reading to find out more about the action and the reasons behind it.

BEUC action being taken against Google

The coalition taking action includes ten consumer group organisations from a range of countries across Europe. Although the UK organisations which include Citizens Advice and Which? didn’t take action against Google, they are members of the European Consumer Organisation and have retained an identical form of the GDPR regulation despite no longer being an EU member.

The BEUC added that “tens of millions of Europeans have been placed on a fast track to surveillance when they signed up to a Google account”. They argue that the sign up stage is the crucial point when Google asks users to choose how their account privacy will be handled.

The UK is currently in the middle of seeking to reform its data protection regulations with the Data Reform Bill, which was announced in May’s Queen’s Speech.

How does Google’s sign up process lead consumers down a “fast track to surveillance?”

Google is pretty much a permanent presence in all of our lives. Even if you don’t use a Google phone, the chances are that you use Google’s search engine on a fairly regular basis. Other Google services also include their Android mobile operating system, Chrome browser, YouTube, Gmail, Google Maps and the Google Play Store. Gmail and the Google Play Store require an account in order to use them, making the sign-up process which users undergo particularly pertinent for those services. This means it’s in all of our interests to know how our data is being used and that privacy rules are up to scratch.

When users sign up to a Google account, they must indicate preferences on three different settings. This includes:

1. Web and app activity

2. YouTube history

3. Ad personalisation

If users select ‘express personalisation’ rather than ‘manual personalisation’, then this gives Google permission to track everything a user does across its services (web and app activity, YouTube history, ad personality). While express personalisation takes just one step, manual personalisation takes 5 steps. It is therefore unsurprising that consumers would choose express personalisation over manual personalisation. Despite this, it is not possible to switch the express personalisation settings in one step.

After a legal analysis by BEUC and the agency AWO found that Google’s sign-up process is designed to service the interests of the company as well as against EU data protection law in the following ways:

No data protection by design and by default
Un-transparent and unfair data processing, deceptive design and invalid consent
Breaches of purpose limitation, data minimisation and storage limitation principles

According to the BEUC, all of these factors combined created an experience which is in their view, unlawful processing of customers’ personal data. Furthermore, by making the process convoluted when it comes to being able to avoid surveillance “by design and by default”, this is what puts users on a “fast track to surveillance”.

Google’s signup process and the processing of personal data which follows this runs contrary to the EU’s GDPR in a number of ways.

Other ongoing investigations

At the same time that this investigation is going on, a previous investigation by the BEUC which was filed in February 2020 into Google’s use and collection of location data is also continuing. This followed a complaint against Google over the same matter in 2018.

Ireland’s Data Protection Commission was appointed the lead authority on the complaints and expects to make a decision on the investigation into Google and its handling of location data in the next few months.

The BEUC has a number of suggestions which it believes should be implemented into Google’s practises. Primarily, this includes revising its sign up process in order to make sure that privacy is the default as well as being fully transparent about how the users data will be processed.

It also argues that data protection authorities should enforce and impose an “effective, proportionate and deterrent fine” against Google for any infringement of GDPR.

Our comments

This action taken by the BEUC follows a recent trend of steps being taken across the world against large corporation’s handling of data, particularly in the case of the Online Safety Bill in the UK and the European Parliament’s Digital Markets Act and Digital Services Act, the latter of which seeks to restrain the power of tech giants over the rest of the industry.

While this action has come later than many might have hoped and wished and is yet to yield results, it does seem to be a step in the right direction by the BEUC in attempting to ensure consumers are better informed about their data use and global tech giants like Google are held to account. If the action is successful and BEUC manages to get Google to comply with GDPR then this would certainly be a good result for consumers, not just in the EU but potentially worldwide as well.

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Welcome Amber!

We are delighted to welcome our newest colleague, Amber Zhao. Amber will be joining us as a paralegal and has already displayed great legal knowledge and a brilliant work ethic since she’s been here.

Amber has an extensive academic background, having studied at Central South University(LLB), King’s College London(LLM) and The University of Law (GDL&LPC). Her previous work experience includes working as a legal intern for Zhonglun Law Firm in London, where she assisted in purchase and sale of residential property transactions, as well as Yingke Law Firm in Beijing where she worked in the international business department.

Outside of work, Amber has a range of hobbies and interests. As well as diving, she also enjoys playing musical instruments such as the guitar and the piano.

Have questions? Get in touch today!

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Prenuptial Agreement vs Postnuptial Agreement, which is better?

Today we will take a look at a subject which comes under Family Law, one of our main practise areas. This article looks at which is better, a postnuptial agreement or prenuptial agreement?

You might be wondering, what exactly is the difference between a postnuptial agreement and a prenuptial agreement? Aside from ‘pre’ and ‘post’ hinting at their true meaning, perhaps a more pertinent questions to ask is: if I want to get a marital agreement, is a postnuptial agreement or a prenuptial agreement the better choice?

Keep reading to find out more.

What is the difference?

A postnuptial agreement is a contract that usually specifies how the assets of the spouses should be divided in the event of a divorce. The reasons for entering into a postnuptial agreement are usually the same as for a prenuptial agreement, mainly to protect one’s property and to achieve certainty. The main purpose is also to avoid assets being commingled throughout the marital estate and to reduce financial disputes in the event of a divorce.

In addition, a postnuptial agreement can cover all the same assets as a prenuptial agreement (eg: real estate, savings, pensions, and high-value artwork, jewellery, etc.).

As we saw above, a postnuptial agreement and a prenuptial agreement are pretty much the same. So, what’s the difference?

Well, really the only difference is that (and this is a key one): A prenuptial agreement is made before the marriage, while a postnuptial agreement is formed after the marriage (and while the couple is still married).

So, if you are very busy leading up to your wedding and have a lot of work to prepare and consider, you may not have had time to consider whether to sign a prenuptial agreement, or at all. At this point, then, you’ll find that a postnuptial agreement is helpful.

In addition, a couple’s circumstances may change in many ways after marriage, for example, new information may emerge, a significant inheritance or other windfall may appear in the family, or you may discover that there are some issues that jeopardize the future of your relationship and marriage. These things happen! In such cases, a postnuptial agreement will help give you peace of mind.

Are prenups and postnup agreements legally binding in the UK?

Like prenuptial agreements, postnuptial agreements are currently not automatically legally binding in the UK. The court will not be compelled to follow any directions in the postnuptial agreement. However, just because courts are not bound by postnuptial agreements, which they usually take into account, postnuptial agreements can still play a big role in financial division.

The UK Supreme Court in Radmacher v Granatino gave the following guidance for family courts to follow when deciding whether to enforce a prenuptial or postnuptial agreement.

“The court should enforce an agreement freely reached by each party with full knowledge of its impact, unless under the circumstances it would be unfair to require both parties to abide by its agreement.”

This essentially means:

Each party should receive independent legal advice before entering into a postnuptial agreement, they should not feel coerced, etc.;

Both parties should understand the full extent of any financial requirements they may waive by signing a postnuptial agreement (for example, any hidden wealth that would reduce the effectiveness of the agreement);

The first duty of the court is to ensure that the needs of both parties are met, especially where children are involved.

It is important to note that the terms in the agreement need to “ensure the needs of both parties”.

Prenuptial Agreement V Postnuptial Agreement, which is better?

We believe that the two are incomparable and that they work equally well in protecting property.

If you have to compare, well, they have some differences in the difficulty of signing. A prenuptial agreement is made before marriage, so it’s easier to decide who owns what when both spouses are living independent lives. In other words, the two will be easier to negotiate.

Certain assets become more difficult to separate after a period of marriage, so making a postnuptial agreement can be difficult. The two sides need more time to discuss how to divide.

However, once an agreement is reached, both prenuptial and postnuptial agreements are equally valid as long as the necessary steps are taken to ensure that the agreement is taken into account by the court.

Then, if according to experience, when you enter a marriage, there are changes that you did not expect before the marriage, please sign a post-nuptial agreement in time, such as:

Inheritance during marriage
child’s birth
To start a new company/commercial enterprise, you need to record the ownership interest in assets
Contents of a postnuptial agreement

Some common elements of a postnuptial agreement include:

Matrimonial residence – couples can decide in advance who has the right to stay, or if the property should be sold if the marriage breaks down;
Property portfolios and estates – note that estates or property owned before marriage are sometimes automatically retained in marital property;
Alimony – if one party is financially better off, they can agree in advance to support the other party in the event of a divorce;

Savings, shares and pensions – the full extent of these assets should be stated in advance;

Business Assets – This is especially important if one party has substantial business interests before or after the marriage.

How do I make a postnuptial agreement?

For couples considering entering into a postnuptial agreement, the first thing both parties should do: List all assets for financial disclosure, and then decide how to distribute those assets in the event of a divorce.

Also, any intent on spousal support (support) and other financial arrangements should be indicated.

It’s worth noting that many married couples think they can use an online postnuptial agreement template downloaded from the web to create their postnuptial agreement. However, while these templates include the basic terms of an agreement, it does need to be drafted in a specific way by a lawyer to be legally binding.

For reassurance, making a postnuptial agreement should be a process that requires the assistance of a family lawyer. More importantly, both parties should have an independent lawyer so that a contract can be made that meets the needs of both parties.

Things to look out for when entering a Postnuptial Agreement

Entering into a legal contract is a big step and you need to think a bit more. Here are five things you need to keep in mind when considering a postnuptial agreement:

First, fully consider the child.

Courts will always prioritize the needs of children in a divorce, so the postnuptial agreement should take into account their financial needs.

Second, seek legal advice.

Each party should seek independent legal advice before signing a postnuptial agreement.

Third, the misunderstanding of wealth.

Postnuptial agreements are more useful not only for high net worth individuals and couples, but also for ordinary couples to avoid disputes during divorce and avoid high legal fees.

Fourth, prenuptial agreements.

Couples who decide to change the terms of an existing prenuptial agreement can rescind the agreement and create a postnuptial agreement in its place.

Fifth, regular review.

Postnuptial agreements should be regularly reviewed to see if they need to be amended. Like other agreements of this type, prenuptial agreements should be regularly reassessed and updated to reflect any changes in your circumstances, such as buying a new home or having children.

We generally advise clients to review the postnuptial agreement every four to five years to make sure it’s up-to-date and accurate.

If you are considering entering into a prenuptial or postnuptial agreement, please contact our professional family matrimonial lawyers. Our team of family law solicitors have many years of experience and can provide you with professional advice.

Have questions about this article? Get in touch today!

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Man who resided in UK for 22 years under false identities found to have had human rights infringed

In today’s article, we look at a recent case, R (on the application of AM) v Secretary of State for the Home Department. This case concerns a person that had been living in the UK for over 22 years but had continuously provided false identities as well as convictions in the UK.

A person who has been living in the UK continuously for over 20 years can make an application for leave to remain under paragraph 276ADE of the Immigration Rules. The rules indicate that leave to remain may be granted to a long residence applicant if he or she has lived continuously in the UK:

for at least 20 years; or
for at least 7 years (and the applicant is under 18 years of age); or
for at least half of his life (and the applicant is aged between 18 and 25 years); or
for less than 20 years (and the applicant has no ties to the country to which he or she would have to go if required to leave the UK).

R (on the application of AM) v Secretary of State for the Home Department

AM was a Belarus national who came to the United Kingdom in 1998. He made a number of applications over the past 22 years where he lied about his identity and nationality. He had also been convicted of a number of offences.

The Secretary of State had determined that he should be deported however due to the unclear circumstances regarding AM’s identity and nationality, it was not possible to deport him not was there a realistic prospect of him being deported in the near future. This left AM in a state of ‘limbo’.

AM issued Judicial Review proceedings in the Upper Tribunal against the Secretary of State. The Upper Tribunal held that despite AM’s conduct over the last 22 years, the refusal to grant AM leave had infringed his rights under article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights which reads:

1 Everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence.

2 There shall be no interference by a public authority with the exercise of this right except such as is in accordance with the law and is necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security, public safety or the economic well being of the country, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.

The Secretary of State appealed the decision to the Court of Appeal.

The Court of Appeal

The Court of Appeal held that the Upper Tribunal had correctly applied the law. The Court of Appeal declared that the Upper Tribunal had paid regard to the following:

The public interest in the maintenance of effective immigration control
AM’s own responsibility for his ‘limbo’ situation
AM’s criminal convictions and the public interest in his removal
AM’s vulnerabilities
The prospect of removal was remote

Considering the above the Court of Appeal held that after considering the above, the Upper Tribunal was not wrong and that the Tribunal was entitled to find a that there was an infringement of AM’s rights under art 8 of the ECHR.

Accordingly, the appeal was dismissed.

Our comments

The case shows that the Secretary of State must seriously consider a person’s fundamental rights under the European Convention on Human Rights. Although providing false identities and nationalities is certainly not condoned, we are pleased that the Tribunal and the Court of Appeal recognised the length of time that he had been in the UK and the impact that it has had on his private life.

Should you require assistance in making a long residency application on the basis of 20 years continued residence, then please do get in touch.

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British Bill of Rights – a clampdown on human rights or restoring ‘common sense’?

The Secretary of State for Justice, Dominic Raab, has introduced a new ‘British Bill of Rights’ to Parliament. The government claim that the legislation will “end the abuse of the human rights framework and restore some common sense” to the UK’s justice system by rebalancing the relationship between the legislature and the courts.

This new Bill of Rights is designed to both overhaul and replace the 1998 Human Rights Act, which incorporated the rights contained in the European Convention on Human Rights into UK Law for the first time. At the time, the Human Rights Act was described as “bringing rights home”.

Critics of the government’s proposed Bill of Rights include the Law Society of England and Wales, the Law Society of Scotland, as well as NGOs such as Liberty and Amnesty International.

In this article, we will assess the pros and cons of this Bill of Rights, as well as look at why the government is seeking to introduce this legislation.

Background

Ever since the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) was enshrined into UK law with the introduction of the 1998 Human Rights Act under Tony Blair’s Labour government, the idea of a British Bill of Rights has been mooted by Conservatives and Eurosceptics alike. Indeed, it had been part of the Conservative Party’s 2010 manifesto, although these ideas were shelved after going into coalition government with the Liberal Democrats.

The effect of the 1998 Human Rights Act had three main consequences:

Rather than having to go to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg if a person felt their human rights had been breached, it meant that justice could be sought in a British court.
Public bodies and institutions had to respect and protect human rights within the HRA.
Parliament must ensure that all new laws are compatible with the European Convention on Human Rights. This also applies to the courts, which must ensure that laws are interpreted in a way which is compatible with the ECHR.

The Human Rights Act has been credited for achieving justice for the 96 victims of the Hillsborough football disaster, the Mid Staffordshire NHS scandal, securing peace in Northern Ireland, as well as many more examples. Nevertheless, its critics have claimed that the Human Rights Act ‘protects terrorists’ and makes it too difficult to deport criminals. Criticism has taken on an especially political dynamic since Brexit. For instance, the prevention of the first deportation flight to Rwanda under the government’s Rwanda policy was decried by ECHR critics for allowing ‘anonymous judges in Strasbourg’ to influence the British legal system.

The idea of “taking back control” has therefore continued to be one of the key driving forces for proponents of a British Bill of Rights, something which has also been observed with the government’s proposed dismantling of the Northern Ireland Protocol.

What is the British Bill of Rights?

While the government have stated their continued commitment to the European Convention on Human Rights, the Bill will establish the UK Supreme Court as the ultimate judicial decision maker on human rights cases in the UK.

In effect, the new Bill of Rights means that the UK courts will no longer need to interpret British laws in a way which is compatible with the ECHR. Furthermore, they won’t have to comply with case law and rulings made in European courts when they make decisions.

The Law Society of England and Wales President, Stephanie Boyce described the new Bill of Rights as: “a lurch backwards for British justice.” She added that it would “create an acceptable class of human rights abuses in the United Kingdom – by introducing a bar on claims deemed not to cause ‘significant disadvantage’.

According to the government, the new Bill of Rights will:

1. Strengthen the rights for freedom of speech

2. Recognise the right to jury trial

3. Limit courts’ powers for certain rights, making it easier for the government to deport criminals

4. Reduce burdens on public authorities

5. Ensure that public protection is given due regard in interpretation of rights

6. Limit the Bill’s territorial jurisdiction

7. Implement a permission stage to ensure trivial stages do not undermine public confidence in human rights.

8. Recognise that responsibilities exist alongside rights

9. Strengthens domestic institutions and the primacy of UK law

10. Increases domestic oversight

11. Enhances Parliament’s role in responding to Strasbourg rulings

Many of these changes will have significant consequences for UK law for human rights in the UK. Clause 15 of the legislation is designed to prevent human rights cases which the government deems “trivial” from reaching court by introducing a permission stage. Claimants will have to show that they have suffered “significant disadvantage” before a claim can proceed. While it is open to interpretation, it certainly seems to place a higher bar on which human rights cases are received in court.

One of the main motivations behind the Bill appears to be an attempt to make the UK’s immigration system increasingly punitive. Government figures like Home Secretary, Priti Patel, have often expressed their frustration that it is too difficult for the government to deport convicted criminals due to the Human Rights Act. Article 8 of the Human Rights Act means that everyone in the UK has the ‘right to family life’, which is “the right to respect for your family and private life, your home and your correspondence”. This is clearly one of the main motivations behind the legislation, particularly in this post-Brexit environment.

Our thoughts

The timing of the announcement for the British Bill of Rights by the UK government appears to be a largely symbolic and political move, with many of the rights within the ECHR continuing to be enshrined. Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that the legislation represents a significant increase in the rights of the government over the individual and the courts. Furthermore, although the government claim the ECHR will continue to be adhered to, the courts will no longer be required to listen to the ECHR and can simply ignore their rulings. While the Human Rights Act of 1998 constrained those in power by adding another check to the authority of the executive, the proposed Bill of Rights gives the government a significant increase of power.

In addition, the Bill of Rights opens the door for further abuse by governments of the future by increasing the power of lawmakers over the courts, as well as allowing the government to decide for itself whether it feels human rights abuse is ‘genuine’ or not. Despite the government pledging its continued commitment to the European Convention on Human Rights, if this proves obstructive to its political aims then it would be unsurprising if it reneges on this commitment.

Have questions about this article? Get in touch today!

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Akinsanya v Secretary of State for the Home Department – What does the Home Secretary’s response mean for Zambrano applicants?

A person is considered a ‘Zambrano carer’, should they be a non-EEA national primary carer of a British citizen who would be unable to reside in the UK, if that primary carer were required to leave. Zambrano carers have been recognised as having a right to reside in the UK under EU law following the decision of Ruiz Zambrano v Office National de l’Emploi (C-34/09) [2012] QB 265.

Today’s article provides an update on the case of Akinsanya v Secretary of State for Home Department, which we also previously looked at in an article we published a few months ago. See here.

Following the UK leaving the EU, the Secretary of State drafted the provisions relating to Zambrano carers in the Appendix EU to the Immigration rules to exclude all those that already have leave to remain on another basis. For example, leave on family life grounds or parent of a settled child, which the majority of non-EEA national primary carers would be eligible for.

The benefit of proceeding with an application under the EU Settlement Scheme as a Zambrano carer as opposed to any other application is that there is no fee, and you could obtained settled status after 5 years, as apposed to an application under appendix FM, where you would pay substantial fees, follow strict requirements and face a 10 years wait to settlement.

R (on the application of Akinsanya) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2021] EWHC 1535 (Admin)

In this case, held on 9th June 2021, the High Court held that a primary carer of a UK citizen child may have a derivative right to reside on Zambrano grounds, even where they are entitled to limited leave to remain on another basis.

This was an important decision, and parents waited eagerly for the Secretary of State to reconsider her guidance. If implemented as per the judgement, this would allow many parents a quick route to settlement and be afforded the enhanced protection that Appendix EU allows.

Home Office publishes policy response to Akinsanya decision

The Home Office published their much-anticipated policy response to the Court of Appeal’s decision in Akinsanya v Secretary of State for the Home Department on 13^th June 2022.

The Home Office has stated that:

‘the Home Secretary has carefully considered the Court of Appeal judgment and has decided that she no longer wishes that definition in Appendix EU to reflect the scope of the 2016 Regulations but wishes it to reflect the scope of those who, by the end of the transition period, had an EU law right to reside in the UK as a Zambrano primary carer, in line with the originally stated policy intention’.

This means that applicants will be eligible for EU Settlement Scheme only if they met the criteria of Zambrano primary carer and did not have any other leave to enter or remain in the UK at the end of the transition period and during the relevant period relied upon.

Applications for Zambrano carers who do meet the “no existing leave” rule can apply to the EU Settlement Scheme form 13^th June 2022 until 25^th July 2022 and they will be deemed as having reasonable grounds for missing the deadline.

Our comments

This policy response is of course disappointing news for many who awaited this guidance in the hope that there would be a huge change to the settlement rules.

For all those who meet the Zambrano requirements, it would be best to make an application promptly and before 25^th July 2022.

Finally, for all parents that have made a Zambrano application and no longer qualify, it would be prudent to make an application under the Immigration rules without delay.

Should you require further assistance then please do get in touch.

Have questions about this article? Get in touch today!

Call us on 020 7928 0276, our phone lines are open and we will be taking calls from 9:30am to 6:00pm.

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Plans to shake up private rented sector announced

The Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities has announced a spate of planned reforms to private renting in its new White Paper, dubbed ‘a fairer private rented sector’. It claims that this will offer a “fairer deal” for the 13 million renters in the United Kingdom, as well as ‘fundamentally reforming the private rented sector and levelling up housing inequality in this country’.

But does it live up to those promises? Keep reading to find out.

Some of the major reforms included in the White Paper are plans to:

Ban no-fault evictions
An intention to apply the Decent Homes Standard to the private sector the first time
Remove arbitrary rent review clauses

It will also be illegal for landlords or agents to have blanket bans on renting to families with children or those who receive benefits and will make it easier for tenants to keep pets in their homes. The reforms are included in the Renters Reform Bill as announced in the 2022 Queen’s Speech and will be introduced in this current parliamentary session.

No fault evictions

No fault section 21 evictions will be outlawed, meaning that landlords will be unable to evict tenants without giving a reason. According to the White Paper, more than a fifth of renters who moved home in 2019 and 2020 did not move by choice. Research by the homeless charity Shelter also found that a private renter is served a no-fault eviction notice every seven minutes despite government promises to scrap it three years ago, a total of 230,000 people during that time.

This will rebalance the power between landlords and tenants, meaning that tenants will be less worried about raising problems in the property with their landlord and raising the level of accountability for landlords versus tenants. It will also essentially mean that tenancies will only end if the tenants decides to end it or if the landlord has valid grounds for possession.

Decent Homes Standard

For the first time, the Decent Homes Standard will also apply to the private rented sector. Currently, the Decent Homes Standard only applies to the social rented sector.

These proposals will mean that landlords will be forced to improve the condition of properties where the health of tenants is at risk. This will include damp, dirty and unfit homes, which is currently a fifth of privately rented properties. It also includes making homes free from health and safety hazards, as well as ensuring that landlords keep their homes in a good state of repair.

In order to meet the Decent Homes Standard, properties must meet the following criteria:

(1) it meets the current statutory minimum standard for housing

(2) it is in a reasonable state of repair

(3) it has reasonably modern facilities and services and

(4) it provides a reasonable degree of thermal comfort.

This is in line with the government’s objectives to halve the number of non-decent rented homes by 2030. Nevertheless, some within the property industry have pointed out how important it is to ensure that the decent homes standard does not lead to landlords exiting the market.

Rent review clauses

Increases to rent will only be allowed once per year. Rent-review clauses will also be removed and improve the ability of tenants to challenge excessive rent increases through the First Tier Tribunal.

Furthermore, the notice with which a landlord must give a tenant in terms of a rent increase will raise from one month to two months.

Furthermore, all changes to rent increases will have the potential to be challenged at the First-tier Tribunal if tenants consider the increase to be unjustified. This is possible because all rent increases will need to be undertaken via the Section 13 process. This is currently not the case, as it can currently be increased on an ad hoc basis.

Other reforms

Another major reform will mean that landlords or agents will be prevented from being able to have blanket bans on renting to families with children or those who receive benefits.

The reforms will also make it easier to tenants to keep pets, removing a landlord’s ability to impose a blanket ban on the practise. In 2020, only 7% of landlords advertised their property as being suitable for pets. Nevertheless, the Tenant Fees Act will be reformed so that landlords can request that their tenants buy pet insurance.

There will also be an ombudsman which all landlords must sign up to. This would ensure that disputes between landlords and tenants can be settled quickly, without going to court, which will be welcomed by many of those within both parties.

Finally, a new property portal will help landlords to better understand their obligations as a landlord and what is legally required of them.

Our comments

We welcome the reforms in this White Paper, many of which have been a long time coming and came to the forefront during the Covid pandemic when tenants were forced to spend more time in often substandard homes. The removal of no-fault evictions is a particularly major reform which should rebalance the relationship between renters and landlords.

While these reforms will be welcomed by private renters, until they are enacted many will remain about sceptical about whether or when they will take effect. The Employment Bill is one example of a White Paper which was previously announced and has since failed to come into effect. However, the fruition of this legislation would be a genuine example of the ‘levelling up’ which Prime Minister Boris Johnson has described as the “defining mission” of his government.

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Will the Rwanda policy overcome its initial legal barriers?

You may have seen our most recent article, where we looked in detail at the responses by both the Human Rights Watch and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees to the UK Government’s Rwanda scheme. However, the following article will analyse the latest events, where the Government’s attempt to deport asylum seekers on its inaugural flight to Rwanda fell at the first hurdle.

The first deportation flight to Rwanda was scheduled to take place on 14^th June 2022. A number of applications was made for the removal directions to be cancelled to the the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. The applications were made on the basis of individual circumstances along with arguments in relation to legality of the UK-Rwanda partnership.

While the Supreme Court refused an application to appeal, paving the way for the flight, the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg suspended the removal directions of the asylum seekers, meaning the flight did not go ahead.

This article will take a look at the differing legal approaches taken towards the Rwanda policy, first by the UK Supreme Court and secondly by the European Court of Human Rights.

First, let’s analyse the decision by the UK Supreme Court.

R (NSK (Iraq)) v Secretary of State for the Home Department

The Applicant made an application to the Supreme Court for Permission to Appeal on the basis that the Court of Appeal had made an error in dismissing the Applicant’s appeal.

The Applicant stated that the Court of Appeal ‘erred in law in holding that the judge was entitled…to proceed on the assumption that the Government of Rwanda would comply with the assurances provided in the memorandum of understanding’.

The UK Supreme Court

The Supreme Court considered the application. They noted that the Court of Appeal judge did attach weight to the assurances given in the memorandum of understanding, however they were entitled to so.

The Supreme Court also stated that a matter for concern was that if the Appellant were to be removed to Rwanda, and the appellant were to succeed at the hearing proposed for July in his challenge to the lawfulness of his removal to Rwanda, he would then be returned to this country.

However, the Government Legal Department informed the Court that if the High Court were to make such an order, they would arrange for the Appellant’s return to the UK.

In view of the above, the Supreme Court refused the application for permission to appeal.

ECHR intervention

We will now examine the decision by the European Court of Human Rights, whose decision grounded the inaugural deportation flight to Rwanda.

The ECHR examined a case involving a 54 year old Iraqi asylum seeker who had crossed the English Channel in a boat (KN vs the United Kingdom). Five days after he had claimed asylum in the UK, citing danger to his life in Iraq, he was served with a notice of intent by the Home Office indicating that they were considering his claim inadmissible and relocating to Rwanda. A letter from the ECHR stated that he should not be removed on the flight which was due to leave for Rwanda on the 14^thof June.

KN, the Iraqi asylum seeker in question, was also described in a report by a doctor in his detention centre as a possible victim of torture.

The ECHR granted an urgent interim measure in the case of KN vs the United Kingdom. He was set to be the only person to be on board the flight to Rwanda after a series of individual legal challenges left him as the last one.

Of particular consideration for the ECHR was the fact that asylum seekers transferred to Rwanda wouldn’t have access to fair and efficient procedures for their determination of refugee status. The question of Rwanda’s human rights record and the lack of a legally enforceable mechanism to return the applicant to the UK in the face of successful domestic court challenges also motivated the ECHR decision.

According to a statement issued by the ECHR, the interim measure has been granted “until the domestic courts have had the opportunity to first consider those issues”.

The Home Secretary’s statement

The Home Secretary, Priti Patel made an oral statement on 15^th June 2022, following the cancelation of the first deportation flight. She stated that ‘The European Court of Human Rights did not rule that the policy or relocations were unlawful, but they prohibited the removal of three of those on last night’s flight.

The Home Secretary went on to state that ‘While this decision by the Strasbourg court to intervene was disappointing and surprising given the repeated and considered judgements to the contrary in our domestic courts, we remain committed to this policy.’

Our comments

It appears that the Supreme Court in their decisions have placed significant weight on assurances rather than specific details outlining how pragmatically the UK can ensure that they are complying with their duties under international law by sending asylum seekers to another country.

It is clear that the UK Government plans to continue with the Rwanda relocation program. We believe it could take well over a year for a substantive hearing at the European Court of Human Rights. Any attempts of removal would highly be likely be met with injunctions for the time being, and therefore despite the Home Secretary’s optimism, we believe further removals would be postponed in the short term.

While the government has discussed the possibility of withdrawing from the ECHR, this is likely not their preferred option.

The decision taken by the ECHR is a much welcomed outcome, as many had serious concerns as to whether the asylum seekers claims could be processed in compliance with their fundamental human rights, and in accordance with our international obligations.

Should you have any concerns relating to your asylum application, then please contact us and we will be able to advise you on the best steps moving forward.

Have questions about this article? Get in touch today!

Call us on 020 7928 0276, our phone lines are open and we will be taking calls from 9:30am to 6:00pm.

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Potential future challenges on expulsion of asylum seekers to Rwanda?

The UK government signed the Asylum Partnership Arrangement with the Rwanda government on the 14^thof April 2022.

As part of the plan, the government is intending to relocate some asylum seekers to Rwanda on a one-way ticket. The relocation plan will target young single migrants who have arrived in the UK since 1st January 2022. Once transferred, Rwanda would take responsibility for those sent there. The Home Office intended to make its first transfer on 14^th June, however this was blocked at the last minute by the European Court of Human Rights. The UK Government have since maintained their position that they intend to continue with the policy.

Humans Rights Watch Concerns

The Humans Rights Watch has published a letter that has been sent to the Secretary of State for the Home Department expressing their serious concerns with the UK-Rwanda Asylum Partnership Arrangement and expulsions to Rwanda. Some of the concerns are as follows:

Asylum seekers will be processed under Rwanda’s asylum system. This means that the UK is seeking to shift their responsibilities onto another country and therefore acting against the purpose of the 1951 Refugee Convention
Rwanda cannot be considered as a safe third country for asylum seekers as there has been routine reports of serious human right violations.
Rwanda has reports of Arbitrary detention, ill-treatment, and torture in official and unofficial detention facilities are commonplace in Rwanda
HRW have concerned that there would be serious violations of free speech. Asylum seekers will be at risk of abuse if they speak up about their treatment or conditions in Rwanda.
The Rwandan judiciary’s lack of independence and failure to investigate abuse
Abuses against and risks for LGBT people

UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)

The UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has published its analysis of the legality and appropriateness of the UK-Rwanda Asylum Partnership Arrangement and expulsions to Rwanda.

In particular, the UNHCR considered whether the arrangement met the requirements of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees.

The UNHCR concluded that asylum seekers and refugees claims should be processed in the state where they first arrive and therefore the current UK—Rwanda arrangement fails to meet the required standards and it seems to shift UK’s responsibility and lacks necessary safeguards.

Our comments

Both publications produced by the Humans Rights Watch and The UN High Commissioner for Refugees hold very valid points which need to be addressed by the United Kingdom. Asylum Seekers and Refugees are some of the most vulnerable in society and we must ensure that their cases are dealt with great care.

It appears that in light of the above, the Secretary of State may need to brace themselves for a legal challenge in the near future. This would suggest that it will not be as easy for the Government to proceed with the Rwanda policy as they might wish, something they claimed they anticipated when the policy was announced.

Have questions about this article? Get in touch today!

Call us on 020 7928 0276, our phone lines are open and we will be taking calls from 9:30am to 6:00pm.

Email us on info@lisaslaw.co.uk.

Use the Ask Lisa function on our website. Simply enter your details and leave a message, we will get right back to you: https://lisaslaw.co.uk/ask-question/

Or, download our free app! You can launch an enquiry, scan over documents, check progress on your case and much more!

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